• • • Sir Winston Leonard Spencer-Churchill,,,,,,,, (30 November 1874 – 24 January 1965) was a British statesman, army officer, and writer, who served as from 1940 to 1945 and again from 1951 to 1955. As a (MP), he represented five constituencies over the course of his career. As Prime Minister, Churchill led Britain to victory during the. He led the for fifteen years from 1940 to 1955.

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Churchill was born into, the son of an and. Joining the, he saw action in, the, and the, gaining fame as a war correspondent and writing books about his campaigns. Moving into politics, before the, he served as,, and as part of. During the war, Churchill departed from government following the disastrous.

He briefly resumed active army service on the as a battalion commander in the. He returned to government under as,,, then. After two years out of Parliament, he served as in government of 1924–1929, controversially returning the pound sterling in 1925 to the at its pre-war parity, a move widely seen as creating deflationary pressure on the UK economy. Out of office during the 1930s, Churchill took the lead in warning about and in campaigning for rearmament.

At the outbreak of the Second World War, he was again appointed First Lord of the Admiralty. Following 's resignation in May 1940, Churchill became Prime Minister.

His speeches and radio broadcasts helped inspire British resistance, especially during the difficult days of 1940–41 when the British Commonwealth and Empire stood almost alone in its active opposition to. He led Britain as Prime Minister until after the in 1945. After the Conservative Party's defeat in the 1945 general election, he became to the. He publicly warned of an ' of Soviet influence in Europe and promoted European unity. He was re-elected Prime Minister in the 1951 election.

His second term was preoccupied by foreign affairs, including the,,, and a UK-backed. Domestically his government laid great emphasis on house-building. Churchill suffered a serious stroke in 1953 and retired as Prime Minister in 1955, although he remained an MP until. Upon his death in 1965, he was given a. Named the of all time in a 2002 poll, Churchill is among the most influential people in British history, consistently ranking well in., he won the in 1953 for his overall, lifetime body of work.

His highly complex legacy continues to stimulate intense debate amongst writers and historians. Churchill in military uniform, 1895 In February 1895, Churchill was commissioned as a second lieutenant in the regiment of the, based. This position earned him a wage of £150 a year, which was far outstripped by his expenditure.

In July, he rushed to, North London to sit with Everest as she lay dying, subsequently organising her funeral. Churchill was eager to witness military action and used his mother's influence to try and get him posted to a warzone. In the autumn of 1895 he and travelled to Cuba to observe; they joined Spanish troops attempting to suppress independence fighters and were caught up in several skirmishes.

In North America, he also spent time in, staying with the wealthy politician at the latter's residence; Cockran profoundly influenced the young Churchill. Churchill admired the United States, writing to his brother that it was 'a very great country' and telling his mother 'what an extraordinary people the Americans are!' With the Hussars, Churchill arrived in,, in October 1896. They were soon transferred to, where he shared a with Barnes.

Describing India as a 'godless land of snobs and bores', Churchill remained posted there for nineteen months, during the course of which he made three visits to, expeditions to and the, and two visits back to Britain. Believing himself poorly educated, he began a project of self-education, reading the work of,,, and.

Most influential for him were however 's, 's, and the writings of. Keenly interested in British parliamentary affairs, in a private letter he declared himself 'a Liberal in all but name', but added that he could never endorse the 's support for. Instead, he allied himself to the wing of the Conservative Party, and on a visit home gave his first public speech for the Conservative's in. Reflecting a mix of reformist and conservative perspectives, he supported the promotion of secular, non-denominational education while opposing, referring to the as 'a ridiculous movement'. Biographer believes that Churchill's opinions were largely formed at this time.

The Battle of Omdurman where Churchill took part in a cavalry charge Churchill decided to join the led by in against rebels in the of Northwest India. Blood agreed on the condition that Churchill be assigned as a journalist; to ensure this, he gained accreditation from and, for whom he wrote regular updates. In letters to family, he described how both sides in the conflict slaughtered each other's wounded, although omitted any reference to such actions by British troops in his published reports. He remained with the British troops for six weeks before returning to Bangalore in October 1897. There, he wrote his first book,, which was published by to largely positive reviews. He also wrote his only work of fiction,, a set in an imagined Balkan kingdom. It was serialised in between May and December 1899 before appearing in book form.

While staying in Bangalore in the first half of 1898, Churchill explored the possibility of joining 's military campaign in the Sudan. Kitchener was initially reticent, claiming that Churchill was simply seeking publicity and medals. After spending time in Calcutta,, and, Churchill sailed back to England from Bombay in June. There, he used his contacts—including a visit to the Prime Minister at —to get himself assigned to Kitchener's campaign.

He agreed that he would write a column describing the events for. He sailed for Egypt, where he joined the at before they headed south along the to take part in the against the army of Sudanese leader. Churchill was critical of Kitchener's actions during the war, particularly the latter's treatment of enemy wounded and his desecration of 's tomb in. Following the battle, Churchill gave skin from his chest for a for an injured officer. Back in England by October, Churchill wrote an account of the operation, published as in November 1899. Attempts at a Parliamentary career and South Africa: 1899–1900.

A young Winston Churchill on a lecture tour of the United States in 1900 Deciding that he wanted a parliamentary career, Churchill pursued political contacts and gave addresses at three Conservative Party meetings. It was also at this point that he courted; although a relationship did not ensue, they remained lifelong friends.

In December he returned to India for three months, largely to indulge his love of the game. While in Calcutta, he stayed for a week in the home of Viceroy. On the journey home, he spent two weeks at the Savoy Hotel in, where he was introduced to the, before arriving in England in April. He refocused his attention on politics, addressing further Conservative meetings and networking at events such as a 's dinner party. He was selected as one of the two Conservative parliamentary candidates at the in,. Although the Oldham seats had previously been held by the Conservatives, the election was a narrow Liberal victory.

Anticipating the outbreak of the between Britain and the, Churchill sailed from to South Africa as a journalist writing for the and. From, in October he travelled to the conflict zone near, then besieged by Boer troops, before spending time at before heading for. After his train was derailed by Boer artillery shelling, he was captured as a and interned in a in. In December, Churchill and two other inmates escaped the prison over the latrine wall. Churchill stowed aboard a freight train and later hid within a mine, shielded by the sympathetic English mine owner. Wanted by the Boer authorities, he again hid aboard a freight train and travelled to safety in.

Sailing to, Churchill found that his escape had attracted much publicity in Britain. Rather than returning home, in January 1900, he was appointed a lieutenant in the regiment, joining 's fight to relieve the and take Pretoria. In his writings during the campaign, he chastised British hatred for the, calling for them to be treated with 'generosity and tolerance' and urging a 'speedy peace'. He was among the first British troops into and Pretoria. He and his cousin,, were able to get ahead of the rest of the troops in Pretoria, where they demanded and received the surrender of 52 Boer prison camp guards. After the victory in Pretoria, he returned to Cape Town and sailed for Britain in July. In May, while he had still been in South Africa, his Morning Post despatches had been published as, which sold well.

Political career to the Second World War, 1900–39. Main article: Early years in Parliament Churchill stood again for the at the.

After winning the seat, he went on a speaking tour throughout Britain and the United States, raising £10,000 for himself (about £990,000 today). From 1903 until 1905, Churchill was also engaged in writing, a two-volume biography of his father which was published in 1906 and received much critical acclaim. In Parliament, he became associated with a faction of the Conservative Party led by; the.

During his first, he opposed the government's military expenditure and 's proposal of extensive tariffs, which were intended to protect Britain's economic dominance. His own constituency effectively deselected him [ ], although he continued to sit for Oldham until the next general election. In the months leading up to his ultimate change of party from the Conservatives to the Liberals, Churchill made a number of evocative speeches against the principles of Protectionism; 'to think you can make a man richer by putting on a tax is like a man thinking that he can stand in a bucket and lift himself up by the handle.' [Winston Churchill, Speech to the Free Trade League, 19 February 1904.] As a result of his disagreement with leading members of the Conservative Party over tariff reform, he made the decision to cross the floor. After the recess in 1904, he to sit as a member of the.

As a Liberal, he continued to campaign for. When the Liberals took office with as prime minister, in December 1905, Churchill became for the Colonies, dealing mainly with South Africa after the Boer War.

As Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies from 1905–08, Churchill's primary focus was on settling the Transvaal Constitution, which was accepted by Parliament in 1907. This was essential for providing stability in South Africa. He campaigned in line with the Liberal Government to install responsible rather than representative government. This would alleviate pressure from the British government to control domestic affairs, including issues of race, in the Transvaal, delegating a greater proportion of power to the Boers themselves. [ ] [ ] Following his deselection in the seat of Oldham, Churchill was invited to stand for. He won the seat at the with a majority of 1,214 and represented the seat for two years. When Campbell-Bannerman was succeeded by in 1908, Churchill was promoted to the Cabinet as.

Under the law at the time, a newly appointed Cabinet Minister was obliged to seek re-election at a by-election; Churchill lost his seat but was soon back as a member for. As President of the Board of Trade he joined newly appointed Chancellor in opposing First Lord of the Admiralty 's proposed huge expenditure for the construction of Navy warships, and in supporting the. In 1908, he introduced the setting up the first minimum wages in Britain. In 1909, he set up to help unemployed people find work.

He helped draft the first health and unemployment insurance legislation, the. As a supporter of, he participated in the drafting of the; however, the Act, in the form eventually passed, rejected his preferred method of of the in favour of their confinement in institutions. Churchill in 1904 Churchill also assisted in passing the, becoming President of the, an organisation set up in response to the opposition's. The budget included the introduction of new taxes on the wealthy to allow for the creation of new social welfare programmes. After the budget bill was passed by the Commons in 1909 it was vetoed by the.

The Liberals then fought and won two general elections in January and December 1910 to gain a mandate for their reforms. The budget was passed after the first election, and after the second election the, for which Churchill also campaigned, was passed. In 1910, he was promoted to.

His term was controversial after his responses to the, the and the. The People's Budget attempted to introduce a heavy tax on, inspired by the economist and philosopher. In 1909, Churchill made several speeches with strong rhetoric, stating that land ownership is at the source of all monopoly. Furthermore, Churchill emphasises the difference between productive investment in capital (which he supports) and land speculation which gains an and has only negative consequences to society at large ('an evil'). In 1910, a number of in the Valley began what has come to be known as the.

The Chief Constable of Glamorgan requested troops be sent in to help police quell the rioting. Churchill, learning that the troops were already travelling, allowed them to go as far as and, but blocked their deployment.

On 9 November, criticised this decision. In spite of this, the rumour persists that Churchill had ordered troops to attack, and his reputation in Wales and in Labour circles never recovered. Winston Churchill ( highlighted) at Sidney Street, 3 January 1911 In early January 1911, Churchill made a controversial visit to the in London. There is some uncertainty as to whether he attempted to give operational commands, and his presence attracted much criticism. After an inquest, remarked, 'he [Churchill] and a photographer were both risking valuable lives. I understand what the photographer was doing, but what was gentleman doing?' Biographer suggests that he went simply because 'he could not resist going to see the fun himself' and that he did not issue commands.

A Metropolitan police history of the event, however, states that it was 'a very rare case of a Home Secretary taking police operational command decisions.' The police had the miscreants—Latvian anarchists wanted for murder—surrounded in a house, the from the were called in.

The house caught fire and Churchill prevented the fire brigade from dousing the flames so that the men inside were burned to death. 'I thought it better to let the house burn down rather than spend good British lives in rescuing those ferocious rascals.' Churchill's proposed solution to the suffragette issue was a referendum on the issue, but this found no favour with Asquith and women's suffrage remained unresolved until after the First World War. Territorial Service and advancement In 1900, he retired from the regular army, and in 1902 joined the, where he was commissioned as a in the on 4 January 1902. In that same year, he was initiated into at Studholme Lodge #1591, London, and raised to the Third Degree on 25 March 1902. In April 1905, he was promoted to Major and appointed to command of the Henley Squadron of the Queen's Own Oxfordshire Hussars. In September 1916, he transferred to the of officers, where he remained until retiring in 1924 as a Major.

Western Front. Winston Churchill commanding the 6th Battalion, the, 1916. Sits to the left After his resignation from the government in 1915, Churchill returned to the full-time, attempting to obtain an appointment as brigade commander, but settling for command of a battalion. After some time gaining front-line experience as a Major with the 2nd Battalion,, he was appointed temporary, commanding the 6th Battalion, (part of the ), on 1 January 1916. Correspondence with his wife shows that his intent in taking up active service was to rehabilitate his reputation, but this was balanced by the serious risk of being killed.

During his period of command, his battalion was stationed at but did not take part in any set battle. Although he disapproved strongly of the mass slaughter involved in many actions, he exposed himself to danger by making excursions to the front line or into No Man's Land. First Lord of the Admiralty (1911–15) In October 1911, Churchill was appointed and continued in the post into the. While serving in this position, he put strong emphasis on modernisation and was also in favour of using in combat.

He undertook flying lessons himself. He launched a programme to replace coal power with oil power. When he assumed his position, oil was already being used on submarines and destroyers, but most ships were still coal-powered, though oil was sprayed on the coals to boost maximum speed. Churchill began this programme by ordering that the upcoming battleships were to be built with oil-fired engines.

He established a Royal Commission chaired by Admiral, which confirmed the benefits of oil over coal in three classified reports, and judged that ample supplies of oil existed, but recommended that oil reserves be maintained in the event of war. The delegation then travelled to the, and the government, largely through Churchill's advice, eventually invested in the, bought most of its stock, and negotiated a secret contract for a 20-year supply. First World War and the Post-War Coalition On 5 October 1914, Churchill went to, which the Belgian government proposed to evacuate. The Brigade was on its way there and at Churchill's urgings the 1st and 2nd Naval Brigades were also committed. He returned on 7 October, but Antwerp fell on 10 October. 2,500 British men, many of them barely trained, were taken prisoner or interned in the neutral Netherlands.

At the time he was attacked for squandering resources. Churchill maintained that his actions prolonged the resistance by a week (Belgium had proposed surrendering Antwerp on 3 October) and that this time enabled the Allies to secure Calais and Dunkirk. Churchill was involved with the development of the, which was financed from the Navy budget.

In February 1915 he appointed the, which oversaw the design and production of the first British tanks. However, he was also one of the political and military engineers of the disastrous landings in the. He took much of the blame for the fiasco, and when formed an all-party in late May 1915, the Conservatives demanded his demotion as the price for entry. For several months Churchill served in the sinecure of. However, on 15 November 1915 he resigned from the government, feeling his energies were not being used. Although remaining a member of parliament, on 5 January 1916 he was given the temporary rank of and served for several months on the, commanding the 6th of the.

While in command at he personally made 36 forays into. In March 1916, Churchill returned to England after he had become restless in France and wished to speak again in the House of Commons.

Future prime minister acidly commented: 'You will one day discover that the state of mind revealed in (your) letter is the reason why you do not win trust even where you command admiration. In every line of it, national interests are completely overshadowed by your personal concern.'

In July 1917, Churchill was appointed, and in January 1919, and. He was the main architect of the, a principle that allowed the Treasury to dominate and control strategic, foreign and financial policies under the assumption that 'there would be no great European war for the next five or ten years'. Ashrae Standard 70 2006 Pdf File. (Later as in 1928, Churchill would persuade the Cabinet to make the rule self-perpetuating, leading to further reductions in Britain's armed services.). Churchill meets female workers at Georgetown's filling works near Glasgow, October 1918 A major preoccupation of his tenure in the was the Allied intervention in the. Churchill was a staunch advocate of foreign intervention, declaring that must be 'strangled in its cradle'. He secured, from a divided and loosely organised Cabinet, intensification and prolongation of the British involvement beyond the wishes of any major group in Parliament or the nation—and in the face of the bitter hostility of Labour.

In 1920, after the last had been withdrawn, Churchill was instrumental in having arms sent to the Poles when they invaded Ukraine. He was instrumental in having para-military forces ( and ) intervene in the. He became in 1921 and was a signatory of the of 1921, which established the. Churchill was involved in the lengthy negotiations of the treaty and, to protect British maritime interests, he engineered part of the agreement to include three —Queenstown (), and —which could be used as Atlantic bases.

In 1938, however, under the terms of the, the bases were returned to Ireland. In 1919, Churchill sanctioned the use of tear gas on tribesmen in Iraq. Though the British did in putting down Kurdish rebellions, it was not used, as conventional bombing was considered effective. In 1919, Britain and the United States signed a treaty of alliance with France which the United States Senate refused to ratify, thus making the proposed Anglo-Franco-American alliance stillborn. In July 1921, Churchill argued at the Imperial conference of Dominion prime ministers that despite the rejection by the American Senate of the alliance with France that Britain should still sign a military alliance with France to guarantee post-war security. Churchill further argued that at the Paris peace conference the Americans and the British had successfully pressured the French from their plans to annex the Rhineland in exchange for the military alliance, thus creating a moral commitment for an alliance with France as the French had given up the demand for the Rhineland in exchange for an Anglo-American security guarantee that they did not get.

Churchill's idea about an Anglo-French alliance was rejected at the conference as British public opinion and even more so Dominion public opinion was against the idea of the 'continental commitment'. In September, the Conservative Party withdrew from the Coalition government, following a meeting of dissatisfied with the handling of the, a move that precipitated the looming.

Churchill fell ill during the campaign, and had to have an. This made it difficult for him to campaign, and a further setback was the internal division which continued to beset the Liberal Party. He came fourth in the poll for, losing to. Churchill later quipped that he left 'without an office, without a seat, without a party and without an appendix'.

On 4 May 1923, Churchill spoke in favour of the French occupation of the Ruhr, which was extremely unpopular in Britain saying: 'We must not allow any particular phrase of French policy to estrange us from the great French nation. We must not turn our backs on our friends from the past'. In 1923, Churchill acted as a paid consultant for Burmah Oil (now ) to lobby the British government to allow Burmah to have exclusive rights to Persian (Iranian) oil resources, which were successfully granted. He stood for the Liberals again in the, losing in. Portrait of Churchill by (1878–1927) In January 1924, the first Labour Government had taken office amid fears of threats to the Constitution.

Churchill was noted at the time for being particularly hostile to socialism. He believed that the as a socialist party, did not fully support the existing British Constitution. In March 1924, aged 49, he sought election at the. He had originally sought the backing of the local Unionist association which happened to be called the Westminster Abbey Constitutional Association, so he adopted the term ' to describe himself during the by-election campaign. Despite support from Beaverbrook and Rothermere newspapers, he lost by 43 votes. After the by-election Churchill continued to use the term and talked about setting up a Constitutionalist Party, though any formal plans that Churchill may have had were shelved with the calling of another general election.

Churchill and 11 others decided to use the label Constitutionalist rather than Liberal or Unionist. He was returned at against a Liberal and with the support of the Unionists. After the election the seven Constitutionalist candidates, including Churchill, who were elected did not act or vote as a group. When Churchill accepted the post of in 's Unionist government, the description 'Constitutionalist' never became more than a label adopted by individual parliamentary candidates in the early 1920s. Rejoining the Conservative Party Chancellor of the Exchequer (1924–29).

Main article: He formally rejoined the Conservative Party, commenting wryly that 'anyone can rat, but it takes a certain ingenuity to re-rat.' Churchill as Chancellor of the Exchequer oversaw Britain's disastrous return to the, which resulted in deflation, unemployment, and the miners' strike that led to the. His decision, announced in the 1924 Budget, came after long consultation with various economists including, the Permanent Secretary to the Treasury, Sir and the board of the. This decision prompted Keynes to write The Economic Consequences of Mr. Churchill, arguing that the return to the gold standard at the pre-war parity in 1925 (£1=$4.86) would lead to a world.

However, the decision was generally popular and seen as 'sound economics' although it was opposed by and the. Churchill later regarded this as the greatest mistake of his life; in discussions at the time with former Chancellor, Churchill acknowledged that the return to the gold standard and the resulting 'dear money' policy was economically bad. In those discussions he maintained the policy as fundamentally political—a return to the pre-war conditions in which he believed. In his speech on the Bill he said 'I will tell you what it [the return to the Gold Standard] will shackle us to. It will shackle us to reality.' The return to the pre-war exchange rate and to the Gold Standard depressed industries. The most affected was the coal industry, already suffering from declining output as shipping switched to oil.

As basic British industries like cotton came under more competition in export markets, the return to the pre-war exchange was estimated to add up to 10 percent in costs to the industry. In July 1925, a Commission of Inquiry reported generally favouring the miners position rather than that of the mine owners. With Churchill's support Baldwin proposed a subsidy to the industry while a Royal Commission under prepared a further report. The solved nothing and the miners' dispute led to the. Churchill edited the Government's newspaper, the.

Churchill was one of the more hawkish members of the Cabinet and recommended that the route of food convoys from the docks into London should be guarded by tanks, armoured cars and hidden machine guns. This was rejected by the Cabinet. Exaggerated accounts of Churchill's belligerency during the strike soon began to circulate. Immediately afterwards the claimed that Churchill had been leader of a 'war party' in the Cabinet and had wished to use military force against the strikers. He consulted the, who advised that although he had a good case for, it would be inadvisable to have confidential Cabinet discussions aired in open court.

Churchill agreed to let the matter drop. Later economists, as well as people at the time, also criticised Churchill's budget measures. These were seen as assisting the generally prosperous rentier banking and salaried classes (to which Churchill and his associates generally belonged) at the expense of manufacturers and exporters which were known then to be suffering from imports and from competition in traditional export markets, and as paring the Armed Forces, and especially the Royal Navy, too heavily. Political isolation.

Churchill wrote a biography of his ancestor, in the mid-1930s The Conservative government was defeated in the. Churchill did not seek election to the Conservative Business Committee, the official leadership of the Conservative MPs. Over the next two years, Churchill became estranged from Conservative leadership over the issues of protective tariffs and, by his political views and by his friendships with press barons, financiers and people whose character was seen as dubious.

When formed the in 1931, Churchill was not invited to join the Cabinet. He was at the low-point in his career, in a period known as 'the wilderness years'. He spent much of the next few years concentrating on his writing, works including —a biography of his ancestor —and (though the latter was not published until well after the Second World War), and many newspaper articles and collections of speeches.

He was one of the best paid writers of his time. His political views, set forth in his 1930 and published as Parliamentary Government and the Economic Problem (republished in 1932 in his collection of essays 'Thoughts and Adventures') involved abandoning, a return to a property franchise, for the major cities and an economic 'sub parliament'. Indian independence. The in 1909 Churchill opposed peaceful disobedience revolt and the Indian Independence movement in the 1920s and 30s, arguing that the 'was a frightful prospect'. Churchill brooked no moderation. 'The truth is', he declared in 1930, 'that and everything it stands for will have to be grappled with and crushed.' In response to Gandhi's movement, Churchill proclaimed in 1920 that Gandhi should be bound hand and foot and crushed with an elephant ridden by the viceroy.

Later reports indicate that Churchill favoured letting Gandhi die if he went on a hunger strike. In speeches and press articles in this period, he forecast widespread unemployment in Britain and civil strife in India should independence be granted. The,, who had been appointed by the prior Conservative Government, engaged in the Round Table Conference in early 1931 and then announced the Government's policy that India should be granted Dominion Status. In this the Government was supported by the Liberal Party and, officially at least, by the Conservative Party.

Churchill denounced the Round Table Conference. At a meeting of the West Essex Conservative Association, specially convened so that Churchill could explain his position, he said 'It is alarming and also nauseating to see Mr Gandhi, a seditious lawyer, now posing as a of a type well known in the East, striding half-naked up the steps of the Vice-regal palace. To parley on equal terms with the representative of the King-Emperor.' He called the leaders 'Brahmins who mouth and patter principles of Western Liberalism'. Two incidents damaged Churchill's reputation within the Conservative Party in this period.

Both were taken as attacks on the Conservative front bench. The first was his speech on the eve of the in April 1931.

In a safe Conservative seat, the official Conservative candidate was opposed by, an independent Conservative. Petter was supported by, Lord Beaverbrook and their respective newspapers. Although arranged before the by-election was set, Churchill's speech was seen as supporting the independent candidate and as a part of the press baron's campaign against Baldwin. Baldwin's position was strengthened when Duff Cooper won, and when the civil disobedience campaign in India ceased with the.

The second issue was a claim by Churchill that Sir and had pressured the Manchester Chamber of Commerce to change evidence it had given to the Joint Select Committee considering the Government of India Bill, and in doing so had breached Parliamentary privilege. He had the matter referred to the Privilege Committee which, after investigations in which Churchill gave evidence, reported to the House that there had been no breach. Niebieski Rower Serial Online here. The report was debated on 13 June 1934. Churchill was unable to find a single supporter in the House and the debate ended without a division.

Launched by Gandhi on 8 August 1942, during the Second World War, demanding an end to. Churchill permanently broke with over Indian independence and never again held any office while Baldwin was prime minister.

Some historians see his basic attitude to India as being set out in his book My Early Life (1930). There has been debate over Churchill's culpability in the deaths of 4 million Indians during the where London ate India's bread while India starved, some commentators point to the disruption of the traditional marketing system and maladministration at the provincial level as a cause with Churchill saying that the famine was the Indians own fault for 'breeding like rabbits'., author of Churchill and Gandhi, contends, 'The real cause was the fall of Burma to the Japanese, which cut off India's main supply of rice imports when domestic sources fell short.

[though] it is true that Churchill opposed diverting food supplies and transports from other theatres to India to cover the shortfall: this was wartime.' In response to an urgent request by the Secretary of State for India () and Viceroy of India (), to release food stocks for India, Churchill responded with a telegram to Wavell asking, if food was so scarce, 'why hadn't died yet'. In July 1940, newly in office, he reportedly welcomed reports of the emerging conflict between the Muslim League and the Indian Congress, hoping 'it would be bitter and bloody'.

German and Italian rearmament and conflicts in Manchuria and Abyssinia In the 1920s, Churchill supported the idea of a 'reconciliation' between Germany and France with Britain serving as the 'honest broker' for the reconciliation'. Beginning in 1931, when he opposed those who advocated giving Germany the right to military parity with France, Churchill spoke often of the dangers of Germany's rearmament. In 1931, Churchill said: 'It is not in the immediate interest of European peace that the French Army should be seriously weakened. It is not in British interests to antagonize France'.

He later, particularly in The Gathering Storm, portrayed himself as being for a time, a lone voice calling on Britain to strengthen itself to counter the belligerence of Germany. However was the first to so agitate. In 1932, Churchill accepted the presidency of the newly founded, a peace organisation which he described in 1937 as 'one of the few peace societies that advocates the use of force, if possible overwhelming force, to support public international law'.

Has original text related to this article. Churchill's attitude towards the fascist dictators was ambiguous.

After the First World War defeat of Germany, a new danger occupied conservatives' political consciousness—the spread of. A newspaper article penned by Churchill and published on 4 February 1920, had warned that 'civilisation' was threatened by the, a movement which he linked through historical precedence to. He wrote in part: This movement among Jews is not new. But a 'world-wide conspiracy for the overthrow of civilisation and for the reconstitution of society on the basis of arrested development, of envious malevolence, and impossible equality.' In 1931, he warned against the opposing the Japanese in Manchuria: 'I hope we shall try in England to understand the position of Japan, an ancient state.

On the one side they have the dark menace of. On the other the chaos of, four or five provinces of which are being tortured under communist rule.'

In contemporary newspaper articles he referred to the Spanish Republican government as a communist front, and army as the 'Anti-red movement.' He supported the and continued up until 1937 to praise.

He regarded Mussolini's regime as a bulwark against the perceived threat of communist revolution, going as far (in 1933) as to call Mussolini the 'Roman genius. The greatest lawgiver among men.' However, he stressed that the UK must stick with its tradition of Parliamentary democracy, not adopt fascism. Speaking in the House of Commons in 1937, Churchill said, 'I will not pretend that, if I had to choose between communism and Nazism, I would choose communism.' In a 1935 essay, 'Hitler and his Choice', which was republished in his 1937 book Great Contemporaries, Churchill expressed a hope that Hitler, if he so chose, and despite his rise to power through dictatorial action, hatred and cruelty, might yet 'go down in history as the man who restored honour and peace of mind to the great Germanic nation and brought it back serene, helpful and strong to the forefront of the European family circle.' His first major speech on defence on 7 February 1934 stressed the need to rebuild the and to create a Ministry of Defence; his second, on 13 July urged a renewed role for the League of Nations. These three topics remained his themes until early 1936.

In 1935, he was one of the founding members of The Focus, which brought together people of differing political backgrounds and occupations who were united in seeking 'the defence of freedom and peace.' The Focus led to the formation of the much wider Arms and the Covenant Movement in 1936. Germany and rearmament, 1936 Churchill, holidaying in Spain when the in February 1936, returned to a divided Britain. The Labour was adamant in opposing sanctions and the National Government was divided between advocates of economic sanctions and those who said that even these would lead to a humiliating backdown by Britain as France would not support any intervention. Churchill's speech on 9 March was measured, and praised by as constructive. But within weeks Churchill was passed over for the post of in favour of Attorney General Sir. Later called this 'an appointment rightly described as the most extraordinary since made his horse a consul.'

At the time insiders were less worried: Duff Cooper was opposed to Churchill's appointment, while General Ellison wrote that he had 'only one comment, and that is 'Thank God we are preserved from Winston Churchill'. On 22 May 1936, Churchill was present at a meeting of Old Guard Conservatives (the group, not all of them present on that occasion, included,, and ) at 's house at, to push for greater rearmament. This meeting prompted Baldwin to comment that it was 'the time of year when midges came out of dirty ditches'. Neville Chamberlain was also taking a growing interest in foreign affairs, and in June, as part of a power-bid at the expense of the young and pro-League of Nations Foreign Secretary, he demanded an end to sanctions against Italy ('the very midsummer of madness'). In June 1936, Churchill organised a deputation of senior Conservatives to see Baldwin, Inskip and Halifax. There had been demands for a Secret Session of the House and the senior ministers agreed to meet the deputation rather than listen to a potential four-hour speech by Churchill.

He had tried to have delegates from the other two parties and later wrote, 'If the leaders of the Labour and Liberal oppositions had come with us there might have been a political situation so intense as to enforce remedial action.' Writes that this is 'not quite the impression' given by the documentary record of the meetings of 28–29 July, and another meeting in November. Churchill's figures for the size of the Luftwaffe, leaked to him by at the Foreign Office, were less accurate than those of the Air Ministry and he believed that the Germans were preparing to unleash bombs 'the size of an orange' on London. Ministers stressed that Hitler's intentions were unclear, and the importance of maximising Britain's long-term economic strength through exports, whereas Churchill wanted 25–30 percent of British industry to be brought under state control for purposes of rearmament. Baldwin argued that the important thing had been to win the to get 'a perfectly free hand' for rearmament. The meeting ended with Baldwin agreeing with Churchill that rearmament was vital to deter Germany.

On 12 November, Churchill returned to the topic. Speaking in the Address in Reply debate, after giving some specific instances of Germany's war preparedness, he said 'The Government simply cannot make up their mind or they cannot get the Prime Minister to make up his mind. So they go on in strange paradox, decided only to be undecided, resolved to be irresolute, adamant for drift, solid for fluidity, all powerful for impotency. And so we go on preparing more months more years precious perhaps vital for the greatness of Britain for the locusts to eat.'

Robert Rhodes James called this one of Churchill's most brilliant speeches during this period, Baldwin's reply sounding weak and disturbing the House. The exchange gave new encouragement to the Arms and the Covenant Movement. Abdication crisis. Main article: In June 1936, told Churchill that the rumours that King intended to marry were true. Churchill then advised against the marriage and said he regarded Mrs Simpson's existing marriage as a 'safeguard'. In November, he declined 's invitation to be part of a delegation of senior Conservative backbenchers who met with Baldwin to discuss the matter.

On 25 November he, and Liberal Party leader met with Baldwin, were told officially of the King's intention, and asked whether they would form an administration if Baldwin and the National Government resigned should the King not take the Ministry's advice. Both Attlee and Sinclair said they would not take office if invited to do so. Churchill's reply was that his attitude was a little different but he would support the government. The Abdication crisis became public, coming to a head in the first two weeks of December 1936. At this time, Churchill publicly gave his support to the King. The first public meeting of the Arms and the Covenant Movement was on 3 December.

Churchill was a major speaker and later wrote that in replying to the Vote of Thanks, he made a declaration 'on the spur of the moment' asking for delay before any decision was made by either the King or his Cabinet. Later that night Churchill saw the draft of the King's proposed wireless broadcast and spoke with Beaverbrook and the King's solicitor about it. On 4 December, he met with the King and again urged delay in any decision about abdication. On 5 December, he issued a lengthy statement implying that the Ministry was applying unconstitutional pressure on the King to force him to make a hasty decision. On 7 December, he tried to address the Commons to plead for delay. He was shouted down. Seemingly staggered by the unanimous hostility of all Members, he left.

Churchill's reputation in Parliament and England as a whole was badly damaged. Some such as saw him as trying to build a King's Party. Others like were dismayed by the damage Churchill's support for the King had done to the Arms and the Covenant Movement. Churchill himself later wrote 'I was myself so smitten in public opinion that it was the almost universal view that my political life was at last ended.' Historians are divided about Churchill's motives in his support for Edward VIII.

Some such as see it as being an attempt to 'overthrow the government of feeble men'. Others, such as R.R. James, view Churchill's motives as honourable and disinterested, in that he felt deeply for the King. Return from exile Churchill later sought to portray himself as an isolated voice warning of the need to rearm against Germany. While it is true that he had a small following in the House of Commons during much of the 1930s, he was given privileged information by some elements within the Government, particularly by disaffected civil servants in the War Ministry and Foreign Office. The 'Churchill group' in the latter half of the decade consisted of only himself, and.

It was isolated from the other main factions within the Conservative Party pressing for faster rearmament and a stronger foreign policy; one meeting of anti-Chamberlain forces decided that Churchill would make a good. Even during the time Churchill was campaigning against Indian independence, he received official and otherwise secret information. From 1932, Churchill's neighbour, Major, with 's approval, gave Churchill information on German air power. From 1930 onward Morton headed a department of the charged with researching the defence preparedness of other nations., as, and with Baldwin's approval, in 1934 gave Churchill access to official and otherwise secret information. Swinton did so, knowing Churchill would remain a critic of the government, but believing that an informed critic was better than one relying on rumour and hearsay. Churchill was a fierce critic of 's appeasement of and in private letters to Lloyd George (13 August) and (11 September) just before the, he wrote that the government was faced with a choice between 'war and shame' and that having chosen shame would later get war on less favourable terms.

Return to the Admiralty On 3 September 1939, the day Britain declared war on Germany following the outbreak of the Second World War, Churchill was appointed First Lord of the Admiralty, the same position he had held during the first part of the First World War. As such he was a member of Chamberlain's small War Cabinet. In this position, he proved to be one of the highest-profile ministers during the so-called ', when the only noticeable action was at sea and the. Churchill planned to penetrate the Baltic with a naval force. This was soon changed to a plan involving the mining of Norwegian waters to stop iron ore shipments from and provoke Germany into attacking Norway, where it could be defeated by the.

However, Chamberlain and the rest of the disagreed, and the start of the mining plan,, was delayed until 8 April 1940, a day before the successful. First term as prime minister (1940–45).

Churchill wears a helmet during an air raid warning in the in 1940 On 10 May 1940, hours before the German invasion of France by a through the, it became clear that, following failure in Norway, the country had no confidence in Chamberlain's prosecution of the war and so Chamberlain resigned. The states that turned down the post of prime minister because he believed he could not govern effectively as a member of the instead of the. Although the prime minister does not traditionally advise the King on the former's successor, Chamberlain wanted someone who would command the support of all three major parties in the House of Commons.

A meeting between Chamberlain, Halifax, Churchill and, the government, led to the recommendation of Churchill, and, as constitutional monarch, asked Churchill to be prime minister. Churchill's first act was to write to Chamberlain to thank him for his support. Churchill takes aim with a submachine gun in June 1941.

The man in the pin-striped suit and to the right is his bodyguard,. Churchill was still unpopular among many Conservatives and, who opposed his replacing Chamberlain; the former prime minister remained party leader until dying in November. Churchill probably could not have won a majority in any of the political parties in the House of Commons, and the House of Lords was completely silent when it learned of his appointment. An American visitor reported in late 1940 that, 'Everywhere I went in London people admired [Churchill's] energy, his courage, his singleness of purpose.

People said they didn't know what Britain would do without him. He was obviously respected. But no one felt he would be Prime Minister after the war. He was simply the right man in the right job at the right time. The time being the time of a desperate war with Britain's enemies.'

An element of British public and political sentiment favoured a negotiated peace with Germany, among them Halifax as. Over three days in May (26–28 May 1940), there were repeated discussions within the War Cabinet of whether the UK should associate itself with French approaches to Mussolini to use his good offices with Hitler to seek a negotiated peace: they terminated in refusal to do so. Various interpretations are possible of and of Churchill's argument that 'it was idle to think that, if we tried to make peace now, we should get better terms than if we fought it out', but throughout Churchill seems to have opposed any immediate peace negotiations. Although at times personally pessimistic about Britain's chances for victory—Churchill told on 12 June 1940 that '[y]ou and I will be dead in three months' time' —his use of rhetoric hardened public opinion against a peaceful resolution and prepared the British for a long war.

Coining the general term for the upcoming battle, Churchill stated in his speech to the on 18 June, 'I expect that the Battle of Britain is about to begin.' By refusing an armistice with Germany, Churchill kept resistance alive in the and created the basis for the later counter-attacks of 1942–45, with Britain serving as a platform for the supply of the and the liberation of Western Europe.

In response to previous criticisms that there had been no clear single minister in charge of the prosecution of the war Churchill created and took the additional position of, making him the most powerful wartime prime minister in British history. He immediately put his friend and confidant, industrialist and newspaper baron, in charge of aircraft production and made his friend the government's scientific advisor. It was Beaverbrook's business acumen that allowed Britain to quickly gear up aircraft production and engineering, which eventually made the difference in the war. Winston Churchill walks through the ruins of with, 1941 Churchill's speeches were a great inspiration to the embattled British.

His first as prime minister was the famous, 'I have nothing to offer but ' speech. One historian has called its effect on Parliament as 'electrifying'. The House of Commons that had ignored him during the 1930s 'was now listening, and cheering'.

Churchill followed that closely with two other equally famous ones, given just before the. One included the words. we shall fight in France, we shall fight on the seas and oceans, we shall fight with growing confidence and growing strength in the air, we shall defend our island, whatever the cost may be,, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills; we shall never surrender. The other: Let us therefore brace ourselves to our duties, and so bear ourselves, that if the British Empire and its Commonwealth last for a thousand years, men will still say, '. Churchill visits the troops in, 1944 At the height of the Battle of Britain, his bracing survey of the situation included the memorable line ', which engendered the enduring nickname for the RAF fighter pilots who won it. He first spoke these famous words upon his exit from No. 11 Group's underground bunker at, now known as the on 16 August 1940.

One of his most memorable war speeches came on 10 November 1942 at the Lord Mayor's Luncheon at in London, in response to the Allied victory at the. Churchill stated: This is not the end. It is not even the beginning of the end. But it is, perhaps, the end of the beginning. Without having much in the way of sustenance or good news to offer the British people, he took a risk in deliberately choosing to emphasise the dangers instead. 'Rhetorical power', wrote Churchill, 'is neither wholly bestowed, nor wholly acquired, but cultivated.'

Not all were impressed by his oratory., Australian Prime Minister, said of Churchill during the Second World War: 'His real tyrant is the glittering phrase so attractive to his mind that awkward facts have to give way.' Another associate wrote: 'He is. The slave of the words which his mind forms about ideas. And he can convince himself of almost every truth if it is once allowed thus to start on its wild career through his rhetorical machinery.' Mental and physical health.

Winston Churchill giving his famous, May 1943. The war energised Churchill, who was 65 years old when he became Prime Minister. An American journalist wrote in 1941: 'The responsibilities which are his now must be greater than those carried by any other human being on earth. One would think such a weight would have a crushing effect upon him. The last time I saw him, while the Battle of Britain was still raging, he looked twenty years younger than before the war began. His uplifted spirit is transmitted to the people'.

Churchill's physical health became more fragile during the war; he suffered a mild heart attack in December 1941 at the White House, and in December 1943 contracted pneumonia. Despite this, Churchill travelled over 100,000 miles (160,000 km) throughout the war to meet other national leaders. For security, he usually travelled using the alias Colonel Warden. Since the appearance in 1966 of 's memoir of his years as Churchill's doctor, with its claim that 'Black Dog' was the name Churchill gave to 'the prolonged fits of depression from which he suffered', many authors have suggested that throughout his life Churchill was a victim of, or at risk from, clinical depression. Formulated in this way, Churchill's mental health history contains unmistakable echoes of the seminal interpretation of Lord Moran's Black Dog revelations made by Dr. In drawing so heavily on Moran for what he took to be the latter's totally reliable, first-hand clinical evidence of Churchill's lifelong struggle with 'prolonged and recurrent depression' and its associated 'despair', Storr produced a seemingly authoritative and persuasive diagnostic essay that, in the words of, 'strongly influenced all later accounts.'

However, Storr was not aware that Moran, as Moran's biographer Professor Richard Lovell has shown and contrary to the impression created in Moran's book, kept no diary, in the dictionary sense of the word, during his years as Churchill's doctor. Nor was Storr aware that Moran's book as published was a much rewritten account which mixed together Moran's contemporaneous jottings with later material acquired from other sources. As Wilfred Attenborough demonstrated, the key Black Dog 'diary' entry for 14 August 1944 was an arbitrarily dated pastiche in which the explicit reference to Black Dog—the first of the few in the book (with an associated footnote definition of the term)—was taken, not from anything Churchill had said to Moran, but from much later claims made to Moran by Bracken in 1958. Although seemingly unnoticed by Dr Storr and those he influenced, Moran later on in his book retracts his earlier suggestion, also derived from, that, towards the end of the Second World War, Churchill was succumbing to 'the inborn melancholia of the Churchill blood'; also unnoticed by Storr et al., Moran, in his final chapter, states that Churchill, before the start of the First World War, 'had managed to extirpate bouts of depression from his system'.

Despite the difficulties with Moran's book, the many illustrations it provides of a Churchill understandably plunged into temporary low mood by military defeats and other severely adverse developments constitute a compelling portrait of a great man reacting to, but not significantly impeded by, worry and overstrain, a compelling portrait that is entirely consistent with the portraits of others who worked closely with Churchill. Churchill did not receive medication for depression—the amphetamine that Moran prescribed for special occasions, especially for big speeches from the autumn of 1953 onwards, was to combat the effects of Churchill's stroke of that year. Churchill in, Canada in 1943 Churchill himself seems, in a long life, to have written about Black Dog on one occasion only: the reference, a backward-looking one, occurs in a private handwritten letter to dated July 1911 which reports the successful treatment of a relative's depression by a doctor in Germany. His ministerial circumstances at that date, the very limited treatments available for serious depression pre-1911, the fact of the relative's being 'complete cured', and, not least, the evident deep interest Churchill took in the fact of the complete cure, can be shown to point to Churchill's pre-1911 Black Dog depression's having been a form of mild (i.e. Non-psychotic) anxiety-depression, as that term is defined by Professor Edward Shorter.

Churchill's crossing of the river in Germany, during on 25 March 1945 Moran himself leaned strongly in the direction of his patient's being 'by nature very apprehensive'; close associates of Churchill have disputed the idea that apprehension was a defining feature of Churchill's temperament, although they readily concede that he was noticeably worried and anxious about some matters, especially in the buildup to important speeches in the House of Commons and elsewhere. Churchill himself all but openly acknowledged in his book Painting as a Pastime that he was prey to the 'worry and mental overstrain [experienced] by persons who, over prolonged periods, have to bear exceptional responsibilities and discharge duties upon a very large scale'. The fact that he found a remedy in painting and bricklaying is a strong indicator that the condition as he defined it did not amount to 'clinical depression', certainly not as that term was understood during the lifetimes of himself and Lord Moran. According to Lord Moran, during the war years Churchill sought solace in his tumbler of whisky and soda and his cigar. Churchill was also a very emotional man, unafraid to shed tears when appropriate. During some of his broadcast speeches it was noticed that he was trying to hold back the tears.

Nevertheless, although the was, by Churchill's own account 'one of the heaviest blows' he received during the war, there seem to have been no tears. Certainly, the next day Moran found him animated and vigorous., Chief of the Imperial General Staff, who had been present when President Roosevelt broke the news of the tragedy to Churchill, focused afterwards in his diary on the superbly well judged manner in which the President made his offer of immediate military assistance, despite Alanbrooke's being ever ready to highlight what he perceived to be Churchill's contradictory motivations and flawed character during the war. For example, in his diary entry for 10 September 1944. And the wonderful thing is that 3/4 of the population of the world imagine that Churchill is one of the Strategists of History, a second Marlborough, and the other 1/4 have no idea what a public menace he is and has been throughout this war!

It is far better that the world should never know, and never suspect the feet of clay of this otherwise superhuman being. Without him England was lost for a certainty, with him England has been on the verge of disaster time and again. Never have I admired and despised a man simultaneously to the same extent. Never have such opposite extremes been combined in the same human being.

Relations with the United States. Winston Churchill fires an American during a visit to the US 2nd Armored Division on Salisbury Plain, 23 March 1944. Churchill's good relationship with United States President —between 1939 and 1945 they exchanged an estimated 1700 letters and telegrams and met 11 times; Churchill estimated that they had 120 days of close personal contact —helped secure vital food, oil and munitions via the North Atlantic shipping routes.

It was for this reason that Churchill was relieved when Roosevelt was. Upon re-election, Roosevelt immediately set about implementing a new method of providing military hardware and shipping to Britain without the need for monetary payment. Roosevelt persuaded Congress that repayment for this immensely costly service would take the form of defending the US; and so was born. Churchill had 12 strategic with Roosevelt which covered the, strategy, the and other war policies. After, Churchill's first thought in anticipation of US help was, 'We have won the war!'

On 26 December 1941, Churchill addressed a joint meeting of the, asking of Germany and Japan, 'What kind of people do they think we are?' Churchill initiated the (SOE) under 's, which established, conducted and fostered covert, subversive and partisan operations in with notable success; and also the which established the pattern for most of the world's current. The Russians referred to him as the 'British Bulldog.' Churchill was party to treaties that would redraw post-Second World War European and Asian boundaries.

These were discussed as early as 1943. At the in 1944 he drafted and, together with Roosevelt, signed a less-harsh version of the original, in which they pledged to convert Germany after its unconditional surrender 'into a country primarily agricultural and pastoral in its character.'

Proposals for European boundaries and settlements were officially agreed to by President, Churchill, and. Churchill's strong relationship with Harry Truman was of great significance to both countries. While he clearly regretted the loss of his close friend and counterpart Roosevelt, Churchill was enormously supportive of Truman in his first days in office, calling him, 'the type of leader the world needs when it needs him most.' Relations with the Soviet Union. Churchill at the in February 1945, with a frail Roosevelt and Stalin beside him.

During October 1944, he and Eden were in Moscow to meet with the Russian leadership. At this point, Russian forces were beginning to advance into various eastern European countries. Churchill held the view that until everything was formally and properly worked out at the, there had to be a temporary, war-time, working agreement with regard to who would run what. The most significant of these meetings was held on 9 October 1944 in the between Churchill and Stalin. During the meeting, Poland and the problems were discussed. Churchill told Stalin: Let us settle about our affairs in the Balkans. Your armies are in Rumania and Bulgaria.

We have interests, missions, and agents there. Don't let us get at cross-purposes in small ways. So far as Britain and Russia are concerned, how would it do for you to have ninety per cent predominance in Rumania, for us to have ninety per cent of the say in Greece, and go fifty–fifty about Yugoslavia? Stalin agreed to this, ticking a piece of paper as he heard the translation. In 1958, five years after the account of this meeting was published (in ), authorities of the Soviet Union denied that Stalin accepted the 'imperialist proposal'. One of the conclusions of the Yalta Conference was that the Allies would return all Soviet citizens that found themselves in the Allied zone to the Soviet Union.

This immediately affected the liberated by the Allies, but was also extended to all Eastern European. Called the 'the last secret' of the Second World War. The operation decided the fate of up to two million post-war refugees fleeing eastern Europe. Dresden bombings controversy. Churchill waving the to the crowd in Whitehall on the day he broadcast to the nation that the war with Germany had been won, 8 May 1945. Stands to his right.

In June 1944, the Allied Forces and pushed the Nazi forces back into Germany on a broad front over the coming year. After being attacked on three fronts by the Allies, and in spite of Allied failures, such as, and German counter-attacks, including the, Germany was eventually defeated. On 7 May 1945 at the headquarters in. On the same day in a BBC news flash announced that 8 May would be. On Victory in Europe Day, Churchill broadcast to the nation that Germany had surrendered and that a final cease fire on all fronts in Europe would come into effect at one minute past midnight that night.

Afterwards, Churchill told a huge crowd in Whitehall: 'This is your victory.' The people shouted: 'No, it is yours', and Churchill then conducted them in the singing of '. In the evening he made another broadcast to the nation asserting the defeat of Japan in the coming months.

The Japanese surrendered on 15 August 1945. As Europe celebrated peace at the end of six years of war, Churchill was concerned with the possibility that the celebrations would soon be brutally interrupted. [ ] He concluded the UK and the US must anticipate the Red Army ignoring previously agreed frontiers and agreements in Europe, and prepare to 'impose upon Russia the will of the United States and the British Empire.' According to the plan ordered by Churchill and developed by the British Armed Forces, the Third World War could have started on 1 July 1945 with a sudden attack against the allied Soviet troops. The plan was rejected by the British as militarily unfeasible.

Syria crisis. Further information: Soon after VE day there came a dispute with Britain over French mandates and known as the which quickly developed into a major diplomatic incident. In May, de Gaulle sent more French troops to re-establish their presence provoking an outbreak of nationalism. On 20 May, French troops opened fire on demonstrators in with artillery and dropped bombs from the air. Finally, on 31 May, with the death toll exceeding a thousand Syrians, Churchill decided to act and sent de Gaulle an ultimatum saying, 'In order to avoid a collision between British and French forces, we request you immediately to order French troops to cease fire and withdraw to their barracks'. This was ignored by both de Gaulle and the French forces and thus Churchill ordered British troops and armoured cars under General to invade Syria from nearby. The invasion went ahead and the British swiftly moved in cutting the French General Fernand Oliva-Roget's telephone line with his base.

Eventually, heavily outnumbered, Oliva-Roget ordered his men back to their bases near the coast who were then escorted by the British. A furious row then broke out between Britain and France. Churchill's relationship with de Gaulle was at this time rock bottom in spite of his efforts to preserve French interests at Yalta and a visit to Paris the previous year.

In January he told a colleague that he believed that de Gaulle was 'a great danger to peace and for Great Britain. After five years of experience, I am convinced that he is the worst enemy of France in her troubles. He is one of the greatest dangers to European peace. I am sure that in the long run no understanding will be reached with General de Gaulle'. In France, there were accusations that Britain had armed the demonstrators and de Gaulle raged against 'Churchill's ultimatum', saying that 'the whole thing stank of oil'. In opposition, 1945–51.

Main article: Caretaker government and 1945 election With a general election looming (there had been none for ), and with the Labour Ministers refusing to continue the wartime coalition, Churchill resigned as Prime Minister on 23 May. Later that day, he accepted the King's invitation to form a new government, known officially as the, like the Conservative-dominated coalition of the 1930s, but in practice known as the. The government contained Conservatives, and a few non-party figures such as and, but not Labour or 's. Although Churchill continued to carry out the functions of Prime Minister, including exchanging messages with the US administration about the upcoming, he was not formally reappointed until 28 May. Although polling day was 5 July, the results of the did not become known until 26 July, owing to the need to collect the votes of those serving overseas. Clementine, who together with his daughter Mary had been at the count at Churchill's constituency in Essex (although unopposed by the major parties, Churchill had been returned with a much-reduced majority against an independent candidate) returned to meet her husband for lunch.

To her suggestion that election defeat might be 'a blessing in disguise' he retorted that 'at the moment it seems very effectively disguised'. That afternoon Churchill's doctor Lord Moran (so he later recorded in his book The Struggle for Survival) commiserated with him on the 'ingratitude' of the British public, to which Churchill replied 'I wouldn't call it that. They have had a very hard time'. Having lost the election, despite enjoying much support amongst the British population, he resigned as Prime Minister that evening, this time handing over to a Labour Government. Many reasons for his defeat have been given, key among them being that a desire for post-war reform was widespread amongst the population and that the man who had led Britain in war was not seen as the man to lead the nation in peace. Although the Conservative Party was unpopular, many electors appear to have wanted Churchill to continue as Prime Minister whatever the outcome, or to have wrongly believed that this would be possible. On the morning of 27 July, Churchill held a farewell Cabinet.

On the way out of the Cabinet Room he told Eden 'Thirty years of my life have been passed in this room. I shall never sit in it again. You will, but I shall not'. However, contrary to expectations, Churchill did not hand over the Conservative leadership to, who became his deputy but who was disinclined to challenge his leadership. It would be another decade before Churchill finally did hand over the reins. Opposition leader. Churchill with American General and Field Marshal at a meeting of in October 1951, shortly before Churchill was to become prime minister for a second time For six years he was to serve as the.

During these years Churchill continued to influence world affairs. During his 1946 trip to the United States, Churchill famously lost a lot of money in a poker game with Harry Truman and his advisors. During this trip he gave his speech about the USSR and the creation of the Eastern Bloc. Speaking on 5 March 1946 at in, Missouri, he declared: From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an Iron Curtain has descended across the continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere. Churchill's doctor Lord Moran later (in his book The Struggle for Survival) recalled Churchill suggesting in 1946—the year before he put the idea (unsuccessfully) in a memo to President Truman—that the United States make a pre-emptive attack on Moscow while the did not yet possess nuclear weapons.

In parliament on 5 June 1946, three days before the, Churchill said he 'deeply' regretted that: none of the Polish troops, and I must say this, who fought with us on a score of battlefields, who poured out their blood in the common cause, are not to be allowed to march in the Victory Parade. The fate of Poland seems to be unending tragedy and we who went to war all ill-prepared on her behalf watch with sorrow the strange outcome of our endeavours. Churchill told the Irish Ambassador to London in 1946, 'I said a few words in parliament the other day about your country because I still hope for a. You must get those fellows in the north in, though; you can't do it by force. There is not, and never was, any bitterness in my heart towards your country.' He later said 'You know I have had many invitations to visit Ulster but I have refused them all. I don't want to go there at all, I would much rather go to southern Ireland.

Maybe I'll buy another horse with an entry in the Irish Derby.' He continued to lead his party after losing the. European unity. Further information: In the summer of 1930, inspired by the ideas being floated by and by his recent tour of the US in the autumn of 1929, Churchill wrote an article lamenting the instability which had been caused by the independence of Poland and the disintegration of Austria-Hungary into petty states, and called for a ', although he wrote that Britain was 'with Europe but not of it'. Ideas about closer European union continued to circulate, driven by, from 1942 onwards.

As early as March 1943 a Churchill speech on postwar reconstruction annoyed the US administration not only by not mentioning China as a great power but by proposing a purely European 'Council of Europe'. Passed on President Roosevelt's concerns, warning Eden that it would 'give free ammunition to (US) isolationists' who might propose an American 'regional council'. Churchill urged Eden, on a visit to the US at the time, to 'listen politely' but give 'no countenance' to Roosevelt's proposals for the US, UK, USSR and 's China to act together to enforce 'Global Collective Security' with the Japanese and French Empires taken into international trusteeship. Now out of office, Churchill gave a speech at Zurich on 19 September 1946 in which he called for 'a kind of United States of Europe' centred around a Franco-German partnership, with Britain and the Commonwealth, and perhaps the US, as 'friends and sponsors of the new Europe'. Wrote of him 'startling the world' with 'outrageous propositions' and warned that there was as yet little appetite for such unity, and that he appeared to be assuming a permanent division between Eastern and Western Europe, and urged 'more humdrum' economic agreements. Churchill's speech was praised by and by who wrote that it would galvanise governments into action.

Churchill expressed similar sentiments at a meeting of the at the on 18 May 1947. He declared 'let Europe arise' but was 'absolutely clear' that 'we shall allow no wedge to be driven between Britain and the United States'. Churchill's speeches helped to encourage the foundation of the. In June 1950, Churchill was strongly critical of the Attlee Government's failure to send British representatives to Paris (to discuss the for setting up the ), declaring that les absents ont toujours tort and calling it 'a squalid attitude' which 'derange(d) the balance of Europe', and risked Germany dominating the new grouping.

He called for world unity through the UN (against the backdrop of the ), while stressing that Britain was uniquely placed to exert leadership through her links to the Commonwealth, the US and Europe. However, Churchill did not want Britain to actually join any federal grouping. In September 1951 a declaration of the American, French and British foreign ministers welcomed the Schuman plan, stressing that it would revive economic growth and encourage the development of a democratic Germany, part of the Atlantic community. After returning as Prime Minister, Churchill issued a note for the Cabinet on 29 November 1951. He listed British Foreign Policy priorities as Commonwealth unity and consolidation, 'fraternal association' of the English-speaking world (i.e. The Commonwealth and the US), then thirdly 'United Europe, to which we are a closely—and specially-related ally and friend (it is) only when plans for uniting Europe take a federal form that we cannot take part, because we cannot subordinate ourselves or the control of British policy to federal authorities'.

In 1956, after retiring as Prime Minister, Churchill went to Aachen to receive the for his contribution to European Unity. Churchill is today listed as one of the '. In July 1962 told the press that the aged Churchill, whom he had just visited in hospital where he was being treated for a broken hip, was opposed to 's negotiations for Britain to enter the EEC (which would, in the event, be vetoed by the French President,, the following January). Churchill told his granddaughter, Edwina, that Montgomery's behaviour in leaking a private conversation was 'monstrous'. Second term as prime minister (1951–55). Further information: Return to government Domestic policy After the, Churchill again became prime minister, and his second government lasted until his resignation in April 1955.

He also held the office of Minister of Defence from October 1951 until 1 March 1952, when he handed the portfolio to. In domestic affairs, various reforms were introduced such as the and the.

The former measure consolidated legislation dealing with the employment of young persons and women in mines and quarries, together with safety, health, and welfare. The latter measure extended previous housing Acts, and set out details in defining housing units as 'unfit for human habitation.' Tax allowances were raised, as well, construction of council housing accelerated, and pensions and national assistance benefits were increased.

Controversially, however, charges for prescription medicines were introduced. Housing was an issue the Conservatives were widely recognised to have made their own, after the Churchill government of the early 1950s, with as Minister for Housing, gave housing construction far higher political priority than it had received under the Attlee administration (where housing had been attached to the portfolio of Health Minister, whose attention was concentrated on his responsibilities for the ).

Macmillan had accepted Churchill's challenge to meet the latter's ambitious public commitment to build 300,000 new homes a year, and achieved the target a year ahead of schedule. Colonial affairs. Main articles: and Churchill's domestic priorities in his last government were overshadowed by a series of foreign policy crises, which were partly the result of the continued decline of British military and imperial prestige and power. Being a strong proponent of Britain as an, Churchill would often meet such moments with. One example was his dispatch of British troops to Kenya to deal with the. Trying to retain what he could of the Empire, he once stated that, 'I will not preside over a dismemberment.' This was followed by events which became known as the.

In, a rebellion against British rule had been in progress since 1948. Once again, Churchill's government inherited a crisis, and Churchill chose to use direct military action against those in rebellion while attempting to build an alliance with those who were not. While the rebellion was slowly being defeated, it was equally clear that from Britain was no longer sustainable. Relations with the US and the quest for a summit In the early 1950s Britain was still attempting to remain a third major power on the world stage. This was 'the time when Britain stood up to the United States as strongly as she was ever to do in the postwar world'. However, Churchill devoted much of his time in office to Anglo-American relations and attempted to maintain the.

He made four official transatlantic visits to America during his second term as prime minister. Churchill and Eden visited Washington in January 1952. The Truman Administration was supporting the plans for a (EDC), hoping that this would allow controlled West German rearmament and enable American troop reductions. Churchill affected to believe that the proposed EDC would not work, scoffing at the supposed difficulties of language.

Churchill asked in vain for a US military commitment to support Britain's position in Egypt and Middle East (where the Truman Administration had recently pressured Attlee not to intervene against in Iran); this did not meet with American approval—the US expected British support to fight communism in, but saw any US commitment to the Middle East as supporting British imperialism, and were unpersuaded that this would help prevent pro-Soviet regimes from coming to power. By early 1953, the Cabinet's Foreign Policy priority was and the nationalist, anti-imperialist. After Stalin's death, Churchill, the last of the wartime Big Three, wrote to, who had just assumed office as US President, on 11 March proposing a summit meeting with the Soviets; Eisenhower wrote back pouring cold water on the suggestions as the Soviets might use it for propaganda.

Some of Churchill's colleagues hoped that he might retire after the in May 1953. Eden wrote to his son on 10 April 'W gets daily older & is apt to.

Waste a great deal of time. The outside world has little idea how difficult that becomes. Please make me retire before I am 80!' However, Eden's serious illness (he nearly died after a series of botched operations on his bile duct) allowed Churchill to take control of foreign affairs from April 1953.

After further discouragement from President Eisenhower (this was the in the US, in which Secretary of State took a view of the Cold War), Churchill announced his plans in the House of Commons on 11 May. The US Embassy in London noted that this was a rare occasion on which Churchill did not mention Anglo-American solidarity in a speech. Ministers like (acting Foreign Secretary) and were concerned at the irritation caused to the Americans and the French, although supported Churchill's initiative, as did most Conservatives.

In his diary a year later, Eden wrote of Churchill's actions with fury. Stroke and resignation Churchill had suffered a mild stroke while on holiday in the south of France in the summer of 1949. By the time he formed his next government he was slowing down noticeably enough for George VI, as early as December 1951, to consider inviting Churchill to retire in the following year in favour of, but it is not recorded if the king made that approach before his own death in February 1952. The strain of carrying the Premiership and Foreign Office contributed to his second stroke at after dinner on the evening of 23 June 1953.

Despite being partially paralysed down one side, he presided over a Cabinet meeting the next morning without anybody noticing his incapacity. Thereafter his condition deteriorated, and it was thought that he might not survive the weekend.

Had Eden been fit, Churchill's premiership would most likely have been over. News of this was kept from the public and from Parliament, who were told that Churchill was suffering from exhaustion. He went to his country home, Chartwell, to recuperate, and by the end of June he astonished his doctors by being able, dripping with perspiration, to lift himself upright from his chair. He joked that news of his illness had chased the trial of off the front pages. Churchill was still keen to pursue a meeting with the Soviets and was open to the idea of a reunified Germany.

He refused to condemn the Soviet crushing of East Germany, commenting on 10 July 1953 that 'The Russians were surprisingly patient about the '. He thought this might have been the reason for the removal of.

Churchill returned to public life in October 1953 to make a speech at the Conservative Party conference. In December 1953 Churchill met Eisenhower in Bermuda. Churchill was cross about friction between Eden and Dulles (June 1954). On the trip home from another Anglo-American conference, the diplomat compared to Soviet policy in Korea and, causing Churchill to retort that Guatemala was a 'bloody place' he'd 'never heard of'. Churchill was still keen for a trip to Moscow, and threatened to resign, provoking a crisis in the Cabinet when Lord Salisbury threatened to resign if Churchill had his way. In the end the Soviets proposed a five power conference, which did not meet until after Churchill had retired.

By the autumn Churchill was again postponing his resignation. Eden, now partly recovered from his operations, became a major figure on the world stage in 1954, helping to negotiate in, an agreement with Egypt and to broker an agreement between the countries of Western Europe after the French rejection of the EDC. Aware that he was slowing down both physically and mentally, Churchill at last retired as prime minister in 1955 and was succeeded by Anthony Eden. At the time of his departure, he was considered to have had the longest ministerial career in modern British politics. Churchill suffered another mild stroke in December 1956.

Retirement and death (1955–65). Churchill's grave at Churchill's funeral plan had been initiated in 1953, after he suffered a major stroke, under the name. The purpose was to commemorate Churchill 'on a scale befitting his position in history', as Queen Elizabeth II declared. The funeral was the largest in world history up to that time, with representatives from 112 nations; only China did not send an emissary. In Europe, 350 million people, including 25 million in Britain, watched the funeral on television, and only the Republic of Ireland did not broadcast it live. By decree of the Queen, his body in for three days and a state funeral service was held at on 30 January 1965. One of the largest assemblages of statesmen in the world was gathered for the service.

Unusually, the Queen attended the funeral because Churchill was the first commoner since to lie-in-State. As Churchill's lead-lined coffin passed up the from to on the, dockers lowered their crane jibs in a salute. The fired the 19-gun due a, and the staged a fly-by of sixteen fighters. The coffin was then taken the short distance to where it was loaded onto a specially prepared and painted carriage as part of the funeral train for its rail journey to, seven miles northwest of. Sir Winston Churchill's passing Clapham Junction The of Pullman coaches carrying his family mourners was hauled by steam locomotive.

In the fields along the route, and at the stations through which the train passed, thousands stood in silence to pay their last respects. At Churchill's request, he was buried in the family plot at, near Woodstock, not far from his birthplace at Blenheim Palace. Churchill's funeral van—former Southern Railway van S2464S—is now part of a preservation project with the, having been repatriated to the UK in 2007 from the US, to where it had been exported in 1965. Later in 1965 a memorial to Churchill, cut by the engraver, was placed in. Legacy and historical assessments Throughout his career, Churchill's outspokenness earned him enemies.

His reputation among the general public remains high: he was named in the top ten in a 2002 BBC poll of the of all time. However, Churchill's legacy continues to stir intense debate amongst writers and historians. According to Allen Packwood, director of the Churchill Archives Centre, even during his own lifetime Churchill was an 'incredibly complex, contradictory and larger-than-life human being,' who frequently wrestled with those contradictions.

Notably, his strongly held and outspoken views on race, Judaism and Islam have frequently been highlighted, quoted and strongly criticised. However, historian has observed that in the context of the era, Churchill was not 'particularly unique' in having strong opinions on race and the superiority of white peoples, even if many of his contemporaries did not subscribe to them. Though a firm supporter of the Zionist movement, Churchill retained casually anti-Semitic views in common with many of the British upper classes. While staunchly against the unions and holding Communist agitation responsible for the Labour movement during the 1920s, he supported social reform, if more in the spirit of Victorian paternalism. From early on, his reputation as an unbending imperialist was well established. At the November 1921 cabinet meeting where a final decision on a proposal to retrocede to China was to be made, he, alone with, another uncompromising imperialist, adamantly opposed the proposal, no matter how worthless the territory was known to be.

He lamented Britain’s historic readiness to barter away places such as and asking 'Why melt down the capital collected by our forebears to please a lot of pacifists?' Churchill's attitudes towards and policies regarding Indians and Britain's rule of the subcontinent are frequently criticised, and have left a lasting and highly contentious mark on his legacy. Historian Walter Reid, who has written admiringly about Churchill's premiership and 'absolutely crucial role during the Second World War,' has however acknowledged that Churchill 'was very wrong in relation to India, where his conduct fell far below his usual level.' Reid further observes that while it remains 'tough to give a nuanced view on Churchill in a few words,' Churchill's efforts and those of several fellow back-bench parliamentarians in the 1930s to manipulate the 1935 Government of India Act further entrenched religious and political divisions amongst Hindus, Muslims and the Indian princely rulers. Artist, historian, and writer. Main articles: and Churchill was an accomplished amateur artist and took great pleasure in painting, especially after his resignation as in 1915.

He found a haven in art to overcome the spells of depression which he suffered throughout his life. As has stated, 'In his own life, he had to suffer the 'black dog' of depression. In his landscapes and still lives there is no sign of depression.' Churchill was persuaded and taught to paint by his artist friend,, whom he met during the First World War.

Maze was a great influence on Churchill's painting and became a lifelong painting companion. Churchill's best known paintings are landscapes, many of which were painted while on holiday in the South of France, Egypt or Morocco. Using the pseudonym 'Charles Morin', he continued his hobby throughout his life and painted hundreds of paintings, many of which are on show in the studio at Chartwell as well as private collections. Most of his paintings are oil-based and feature landscapes, but he also did a number of interior scenes and portraits. In 1925,, and selected his Winter Sunshine as the prize winner in a contest for anonymous amateur artists.: 46–47 Due to obvious time constraints, Churchill attempted only one painting during the Second World War. He completed the painting from the tower of the Villa Taylor in Marrakesh. Some of his paintings can today be seen in the Wendy and Emery Reves Collection at the.

Was Churchill's American publisher, as well as a close friend and Churchill often visited Emery and his wife at their villa,, in the South of France, which had originally been built in 1927 for by her lover. The villa was rebuilt within the museum in 1985 with a gallery of Churchill paintings and memorabilia.

Despite his lifelong fame and upper-class origins, Churchill always struggled to keep his income at a level which would fund his extravagant lifestyle. MPs before 1946 received only a nominal salary (and in fact did not receive anything at all until the ) so many had secondary professions from which to earn a living. From his in 1898 until his second stint as Prime Minister, Churchill's income while out of office was almost entirely made from writing books and opinion pieces for newspapers and magazines, among them the forthnightly columns that appeared in the from 1936 warning of the rise of Hitler and the danger of the policy of appeasement. Churchill was a prolific writer, often under the pen name 'Winston S. Churchill', which he used by agreement with the to avoid confusion between their works. His output included a novel, two biographies, three volumes of memoirs, and several histories.

He was awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1953 'for his mastery of historical and biographical description as well as for brilliant oratory in defending exalted human values'. Two of his most famous works, published after his first premiership brought his international fame to new heights, were his six-volume memoir and; a four-volume history covering the period from (55 BC) to the beginning of the First World War (1914). A number of volumes of Churchill's speeches were also published. The first of which, Into Battle, was published in the United States under the title Blood, Sweat and Tears, and was included in list of the 100 outstanding books of 1924–1944. Churchill was an amateur, constructing buildings and garden walls at his country home at Chartwell, where he also bred butterflies.

As part of this hobby Churchill joined the, but was expelled due to his revived membership in the Conservative Party. Churchill was passionate about science and technology. When he was 22 he read 's and a primer on physics. In the 1920s and 1930s he wrote popular-science essays on topics such as evolution and fusion power. In an unpublished manuscript, Are We Alone in the Universe?, he investigates the possibility of in a thorough scientific way.

Ideology When campaigning for his Oldham seat in 1899, Churchill referred to himself as a Conservative and a Tory Democrat. Personal life From childhood, Churchill had been unable to pronounce the letter s, verbalising it with a slur. This continued throughout his career, reported consistently by journalists of the time and later. Authors writing in the 1920s and 1930s, before sound recording became common, also mentioned Churchill having a stutter, describing it in terms such as 'severe' or 'agonising'. The Churchill Centre and Museum says the majority of records show his impediment was a lateral lisp, while Churchill's stutter is a myth. His dentures were specially designed to aid his speech.

After many years of public speeches carefully prepared not only to inspire, but also to avoid hesitations, he could finally state, 'My impediment is no hindrance'. In 1898 he wrote to his mother stating that 'I do not accept the Christian or any other form of religious belief'. In a letter to his cousin he referred to religion as 'a delicious narcotic' and expressed a preference for over, relating that he felt it 'a step nearer Reason'. Marriage and children. Main article: In addition to the honour of a, Churchill received a wide range of awards and other honours, including the following, chronologically: • Churchill was appointed to the in 1907.

• He was conferred the in 1922. • He was awarded the for his long service in the Territorial Army in 1924. • Churchill was elected a • In 1941, he was appointed to the. • In 1945, while Churchill was mentioned by as one of seven appropriate candidates for the, the nomination went to. • He was conferred the in 1946. • In 1953 Churchill was invested as a Knight of the Garter (becoming Sir Winston Churchill, KG), and awarded the for his numerous published works, especially his six-volume set The Second World War.

• In a BBC poll of the ' in 2002, he was proclaimed 'The Greatest of Them All' based on approximately a million votes from BBC viewers. Churchill was also rated as one of the most influential in history by TIME. Was founded in 1958 in his honour. • In 1963, Churchill was named an by Public Law 88-6/H.R. 4374 (approved/enacted 9 April 1963). • On 29 November 1995, during a visit to the United Kingdom, President of the United States announced to both Houses of Parliament that an destroyer would be named the. This was the first United States warship to be named after an Englishman since the end of the.

Honorary military appointments. Churchill in his colonel's uniform Churchill held substantive ranks in the British Army and in the Territorial Army since he was commissioned as a Cornet in the 4th Queen's Own Hussars until his retirement from the Territorial Army in 1924 with the rank of Major, having held the temporary rank of Lieutenant-Colonel during the. In addition he held many honorary military appointments. In 1939, he was appointed as an in the and was awarded honorary in 1943. In 1941, he was made a of the 4th Hussars. During the Second World War, he frequently wore his uniform as an Air Commodore and as a Colonel of the Hussars.

After the war he was appointed as the of the 4th Hussars, and the. In 1913, he was appointed an Elder Brother of as result of his appointment as. He held the post of from 1941 until his death and in that capacity was appointed Honorary Colonel of the, on 20 February 1942. In 1949 was appointed (DL) of Kent. Cultural depictions.

• Churchill, Winston.. (1923–31); one-vol. On the First World War. • Churchill, Winston. The Second World War. (1948–53) •, ed., with Minnie Churchill. Sir Winston Churchill: His Life through His Paintings.

Pegasus, 2003.. Other editions entitled Sir Winston Churchill's Life and His Paintings and Sir Winston Churchill: His Life and His Paintings. Includes illustrations of approx. 500–534 paintings by Churchill.

• Edwards, Ron. Eastcote: From Village to Suburb (1987). Uxbridge: London Borough of Hillingdon.. In Search of Churchill: A Historian's Journey (1994). Memoir about editing the following multi-volume work. • Gilbert, Martin, ed.

An eight-volume biography begun by, supported by 15 companion vols. Of official and unofficial documents relating to Churchill. Youth, 1874–1900 (2 vols., 1966); • II. Young Statesman, 1901–1914 (3 vols., 1967); • III. The Challenge of War, 1914–1916 (3 vols., 1973). (10) and (13); • • IV.

The Stricken World, 1916–1922 (2 vols., 1975); • V. The Prophet of Truth, 1923–1939 (3 vols., 1977); • VI.

Finest Hour, 1939–1941: The Churchill War Papers (2 vols., 1983); • VII. Road to Victory, 1941–1945 (4 vols., 1986); • VIII.

Never Despair, 1945–1965 (3 vols., 1988). • James, Robert Rhodes, ed. Churchill: His Complete Speeches, 1897–1963. London: Chelsea, 1974. • Knowles, Elizabeth. The Oxford Dictionary of Twentieth Century Quotations. Oxford, Eng.:, 1999.....

• Langworth, Richard, ed. Churchill in his own Words, Ebury Press, 2008. • Loewenheim, Francis L. And, eds (1975).

Roosevelt and Churchill: Their Secret Wartime Correspondence. Secondary sources. The Conquerors: Roosevelt, Truman and the Destruction of Hitler's Germany, 1941–1945. • Best, Geoffrey (2003) [First published 2001]. Churchill: A Study in Greatness.

Winston Churchill. Pocket Biographies. • Blake, Robert;, eds. Churchill: A Major New Reassessment of His Life in Peace and War. • Browne, Anthony Montague (1995). Long sunset: memoirs of Winston Churchill's last private secretary. Churchill, The End of Glory: A Political Biography.

• Charmley, John (1996). Churchill's Grand Alliance: The Anglo-American Special Relationship 1940–57. Real Soldiers of Fortune (1906).

Early biography., wikisource here. 20 October 2007. Retrieved 9 August 2009. New York: Harper.. Retrieved 26 November 2008.

Harold Macmillan. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson.. Churchill: A Life (1992); One-volume version of eight-volume biography •. Winston Churchill (1967) •.

Finest Years: Churchill as Warlord, 1940–45. London: HarperPress, 2009; • The Prime Minister: The Office and Its Holders since 1945 (2001). 'The Medals of His Defeats', (April 2002) •. Churchill: A Study in Failure, 1900–1939 (1970) •. Churchill: A Biography (2001); / •, The Churchill Factor: How One Man Made History. Hodder & Stoughton, 2013.

• Jordan, Anthony J. Churchill: A Founder of Modern Ireland. Westport Books (1995); • Julius, Anthony, The Trials of the Diaspora, A History of Anti-Semitism in England.

Oxford University Press, 2010; •. Churchill and De Gaulle (1981); • Krockow, Christian. Churchill: Man of the Century.

[1900–1999]; •. Churchill: Visionary, Statesman, Historian. New Haven:, 2002 • Lunde, Henrik O. Hitler's pre-emptive war: The Battle for Norway, 1940. Newbury: Casemate Publishers.. (1988); • Manchester, William.

(2010) • Manchester, William. (1983); •.; [chapters 40–41 concern Churchill at Admiralty.] •. Winston Churchill (1974);.

[Comprehensive biography] • Prior, Robin. Churchill's 'World Crisis' as History Croom Helm (1983); • Rasor, Eugene L. Churchill, 1874–1965: A Comprehensive Historiography and Annotated Bibliography., 2000; [Entries include several thousand books and scholarly articles] • Churchill (Profiles in Power Series) Longman, 1992; • (1981). Churchill's Indian Summer. [Study of the 1951–55 Government] • (ed.) Speaking for Themselves: The Personal Letters of Winston and Clementine Churchill (1998) •, ed. Churchill: A Profile (1973) [Perspectives on Churchill by leading scholars] •.

Churchill's Empire: The World that Made Him and the World He Made.